【08.09.02华尔街日报】西藏流亡组织抵抗运动始末
【08.09.02华尔街日报】Revolt Of The Monks[color=#ff0000][color=black]【来源】华尔街日报[/color][/color]
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[color=black]【[/color][color=#ff0000][color=black]标题】Revolt Of The MonksRevolt Of The Monks[/color][/color]
【正文】
Revolt Of The Monks
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2008年09月02日14:48
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[size=14px]Chodak, an 83-year-old former monk, fled Tibet in the wake of a bloody Chinese invasion more than 50 years ago. Today, he spends his days trimming wool carpets at a refugee center perched above the tranquil tea plantations of this Indian hill town. The plight of Tibetan exiles like Chodak, and their Buddhist message of nonviolence, has drawn world-wide sympathy to their cause.
But Chodak's story has a twist. He's one of the last surviving guerrilla fighters who took up arms against the Chinese during a little-known chapter in Tibet's history. His life has been one of war, not peace.
Starting in the late 1950s, the U.S. Central Intelligence Agency trained scores of Tibetans, many of them monks, and then air dropped them back to their country with weapons and wireless radios. The linchpin of the operation was an older brother of the Dalai Lama, the spiritual leader of 2.7 million Tibetans and today a Nobel Prize-winning symbol of peaceful resistance.
'We were fighting to protect Buddhism from those who wanted to harm it,' said Chodak in an interview, his eyes now clouded with cataracts.
These days, armed with little more than his message of peace and the occasional chortle at Beijing's expense, the 73-year-old Dalai Lama enjoys the upper hand in a international public-relations war. He inspires protests that embarrass the Chinese government around the world, including during the recently concluded Beijing Olympics. He also provokes over-the-top denunciations from Chinese officials. During the unrest in March, Tibet's Communist Party Secretary, Zhang Qingli, accused the Dalai Lama of sabotaging the region's stability and described the Buddhist leader as a 'a wolf in monk's clothes, a devil with a human face.'
The Dalai Lama deflects such accusations with dry humor, saying repeatedly that if Tibet's freedom movement ever became violent, he'd step away from politics. 'Please investigate,' he said of the charges that he inflamed Tibetan protests in March. 'If we are really the instigator, we are awaiting punishment.'
He has said that he wasn't aware of the 1950s-era armed resistance in the beginning, and that upon learning about it, he didn't encourage Tibetans to join it. He also disavows any plan to see Tibet become independent, pressing merely for China to allow Tibetans more local autonomy to preserve their customs and language.
But the history of the resistance movement -- and the Dalai Lama's close family connection to it -- remains very much a part of the ongoing tensions with China. It helps explain why even rudimentary reconciliation talks -- the next round is expected in October -- have gone nowhere.
John Kenneth Knaus, a retired CIA officer who led a covert Tibet command center from New Delhi in the 1960s, remembers the Dalai Lama as torn -- personally sympathetic to his brave compatriots but unwilling publicly to support a bloody rebellion that ran counter to his Buddhist belief in protecting life.
'The Dalai Lama knew everything that was going on, but he couldn't give his blessing,' says Mr. Knaus, author of the 1999 book 'Orphans of the Cold War: America and the Tibetan Struggle for Survival.'
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[[i] 本帖最后由 yudi123456 于 2008-9-2 23:09 编辑 [/i]] Gyalo Thondup, one of the Dalai Lama's brothers and the former resistance leader, declined to be interviewed for this story. 'It's a very sensitive and inopportune time to talk, from the points of view of many different parties,' said one of his sons, Tempa Thondup, in a message conveyed from the elder Mr. Thondup. People who answered the door at Gyalo Thondup's residences in New Delhi and Kalimpong, India, said the 80-year-old wasn't at home.
Stories recounted by Tibetan resistance fighters, including six surviving guerrillas, demonstrate the deep involvement of Mr. Thondup in the CIA-backed operation.
Mr. Thondup came to the resistance movement with rare qualities for Tibetans of his generation -- a fluency in Mandarin and an understanding of China's history. In 1949, he was studying in the wartime capital of Nanjing when the People's Liberation Army vanquished the Nationalist forces. Mr. Thondup and his Chinese wife, the daughter of a Nationalist general, eventually settled in Darjeeling, near the Indian border with Nepal.
When the CIA made contact with him in the early 1950s, Mr. Thondup had been organizing escape routes for Tibetans fleeing Chinese rule. His wife, Nancy Chu, helped establish the center where refugees learned handicrafts so they could make a living on Indian soil.
A spokesman for the CIA declined to comment on the Tibetan operation.
The refugees arrived with tales of misery and horror. Tsering Dakpa, a Tibetan farmer, says in 1954 he watched Chinese soldiers drag suspected rebels outside a village and force them to dig a trench filled with freezing water. The men were stripped, thrown into the trench and -- when they didn't answer questions satisfactorily -- shot, according to Mr. Dakpa.
'My heart stopped,' the 77-year-old says of the execution. 'I decided then I'd join the resistance.'
That same year, the Dalai Lama had gone to Beijing to meet with China's leaders, including Mao Zedong, in hopes of securing more religious and political autonomy for Tibet. But back home, in the Tibetan region of Kham, an anti-China resistance had already taken root.
It was in Kham, in 1956, that one of the most violent clashes occurred, a days-long battle at the Litang Monastery. One of the Litang monks was Chodak, who now works at the refugee center in Darjeeling. He recalls a meeting in which a Chinese general urged them to abandon their weapons. The monks carried weapons to defend themselves from bandits. Chodak says the general threatened to burn down the monastery if they didn't comply.
'The Chinese said they were protecting us, and that there was no need to carry weapons,' says Nawang Datha, another monk. 'We refused.'
Instead, the Litang monks sneaked up at night and attacked a nearby Chinese camp, according to Mr. Datha and Chodak.
The Chinese army responded by charging the monastery in a pre-dawn raid. The Tibetans fought back with homemade pistols, antique rifles, axes and knives.
'Everybody was rushing here and there,' says Chodak. 'We didn't know who we were killing.'
Mr. Datha's younger brother, Tenlay Tenzing, managed to flee the monastery earlier on the family's black horse. Chinese troops shot the horse, but the monk kept running. Coming upon the horse carcass later, Mr. Datha feared his younger brother had been killed -- only to be reunited later at their parents' home. When bombs from Chinese airplanes were dropped on the monastery, Chodak fled to Tibet's capital, Lhasa, a weeks-long walk, but far from the fighting in Kham.
China's official history of the fighting at Litang says the monks reacted violently to Chinese efforts to abolish a 'feudal serf system' and 'slavery,' according to the Web site of the Ganzi Tibetan Autonomous Prefecture People's Government, a part of Sichuan province that includes Litang. The government accused Tibetan rebels in the area of attacking military and government officials, damaging roads and bridges as well as raping, looting and killing. As a result, the Communist Party of China extended 'important orders for the suppression of unrest,' the Web site says, calling it a 'war of liberation.'
The events at Litang inflamed passions across Tibet and helped fuel the resistance movement. Many monks, left without a monastery, shed their robes to fight the Chinese. Warring Tibetan clans set aside grievances to unite in battle. The CIA later would gain several recruits from Litang, who wanted to match China's soldiers with modern firepower and military training of their own.
One of the Litang monks, who went by the name Lhotse and was the older brother of Messrs. Datha and Tenzing, fled to Darjeeling, posing as a trader. When he arrived, he knocked on the door of Mr. Thondup.
The brother of the 14th Dalai Lama, Mr. Thondup was already a prominent figure among Tibetans and his political sympathies were well known. After listening to Lhotse recount the failed uprising, Mr. Thondup responded with a proposition.
'If you want to go for training,' he said, 'I may have a place to send you.'
The monk agreed to the secret mission, according to interviews with his two surviving brothers, whom he later told about the conversation. In addition to Lhotse, Mr. Thondup recruited five Tibetan fighters and sent them in early 1957 for training with CIA instructors on the Pacific island of Saipan. The Tibetans learned how to operate a radio transmitter, fire modern weapons and set up ambushes.
The Dalai Lama's oldest brother, Thubten Jigme Norbu, served as a translator on Saipan. Mr. Norbu, a retired professor of Tibetan studies at Indiana University, is now in poor health and unable to respond to comment, according to his youngest brother, Tendzin Choegyal.
After six months in Saipan, Lhotse and a monk named Athar parachuted back into Tibet. Traveling with other rebels, the pair relayed radio requests for weapons and supplies and kept the CIA apprised of the resistance inside Tibet.
Mr. Knaus, the former CIA officer, testified in writing to the U.S. Congress in 1999 that the CIA made two arms drops into Tibet in July 1958 and Feb. 1959. These included 403 Lee Enfield rifles, 60 hand grenades, 20 machine guns and 26,000 rounds of ammunition. By the late 1960s, Mr. Knaus estimates, the CIA had dropped 700,000 pounds of supplies to the rebels.
China's attempts to quell unrest around Lhasa worsened tensions. In March 1959, the Dalai Lama sneaked out of the city's Potala Palace and headed for India on horseback. The CIA-trained rebels hooked up with the Dalai Lama, sending radio updates on his whereabouts to Washington.
As Tibet's spiritual leader was about to cross safely into India, the rebels cheered and waved. The Dalai Lama waved back.
Chodak interpreted the wave as 'a long-distance blessing,' he says. 'Then we went back to fighting.'
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August 29, 2008 23:03 ET (03:03 GMT)
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The Dalai Lama's aides say that at the time the Tibetan leader didn't have a good grasp of the resistance, or of how the CIA was involved. 'His brother really kept him in the dark -- for his own sake,' says Tempa Tsering, the Dalai Lama's representative in New Delhi.
As Mr. Thondup filled out the ranks of the CIA-backed resistance, Mr. Datha and his brother Mr. Tenzing also enlisted. Mr. Tenzing recalls arriving in 1959 at a secluded training base in the Colorado Rockies called Camp Hale. He gazed at the pine forests and snow-covered peaks. 'I felt I was back in Tibet,' he says. Tibetans would train secretly in Colorado until 1964, according to Mr. Knaus's written testimony to Congress.
Mr. Thondup traveled extensively to publicize Tibet's plight, recruit fighters and forge links with foreign intelligence agencies, according to another of his sons, Khedroob Thondup, who acted as his private secretary.
During Mr. Thondup's rare breaks at home, the family went on picnics in the misty hills of Darjeeling. The children practiced shooting Mr. Thondup's old Winchester rifle. He also taught them how to prune his prize roses.
But inside Tibet, the resistance was wilting. China's superior radio communications allowed it to outmaneuver fighters. Its air power crushed Tibetan fighters. Most of the agents the CIA sent into Tibet were captured or killed.
In disarray, the rebels retreated to a mountainous base known as Mustang just beyond southern Tibet inside Nepal. Fighters at Mustang say Mr. Thondup showed up periodically to rally spirits. 'You don't have to worry about food and supplies. We have sponsors that will take care of that,' Mr. Thondup said, according to Nyima Namgyal, one of the rebels who heard the Dalai Lama's brother speak at Mustang.
'We had an idea it was America,' added Mr. Namgyal, now 65 years old and living in a retirement home in Dharmsala.
So many arrived at Mustang that supplies were stretched thin. Chodak says he sold his sword and charm box -- an amulet he wore around his neck -- to buy provisions. The rebels raided farms inside Tibet for sheep that would provide food and wool to fend off the cold.
Infighting posed as grave a threat to the Mustang operation as the Chinese army. Several of the Tibetan fighters complained that the commander was pocketing funds, according to Mr. Tenzing. In 1968, disgusted with what had become of the resistance, Mr. Tenzing returned to Darjeeling and opened a dumpling restaurant.
For the Americans in the late 1960s, the operation was reaching the end of its usefulness. The CIA had closed training camps years earlier and was winding down supply runs. Mired in Vietnam, the U.S. government worried about getting drawn deeper into another Asian conflict. In 1972, President Nixon met with Chinese leader Mao Zedong, ushering in a new era of the U.S. and China relationship.
For the Dalai Lama, a new stance toward China would take shape, too. In the early 1970s, he sought to disband the rebels and end the bloodshed. Chodak says he concluded his war with the Chinese after a tearful 1972 meeting with the Dalai Lama in Dharmsala.
Not everyone agreed to leave Mustang. Some fighters shot themselves or slit their own throats rather than disobey the Dalai Lama's orders, according to his spokesman Tenzin Taklha. By then, the fighting with China was essentially over. In 1974, the Dalai Lama huddled with aides in a sunlit meeting room at his residence. 'We made up our minds that, sooner or later, we would have to talk with the Chinese government,' he said in a recent interview. 'Independence was no longer relevant.'
The man who would serve as the go-between with the Chinese government was someone both sides knew well. He was the Dalai Lama's older brother, Gyalo Thondup.
[i][b]Peter Wonacott[/b][/i] 西藏流亡组织抵抗运动始末
英 | 大 | 中 | 小2008年09月02日14:48
83岁的确扎(Chodak)曾经是名僧侣，五十多年前中国血腥入侵西藏之后他走上了逃亡之路。如今，他在印度山城大吉岭的一所难民中心靠着修整毛毯消磨时光，难民中心俯瞰着一所宁静的茶园。确扎这类西藏流亡者的处境以及他们的非暴力主张在世界范围内唤起了人们对他们事业的同情。
然而确扎还有过一段曲折的人生经历。在一段鲜为人知的西藏历史中，确扎是曾经拿起武器反抗中国统治而又有幸活到今天的游击战士之一。为他的生活烙上印记的不是和平，而是战争。
从上世纪五十年代末起，美国中央情报局(CIA)培训了数十名藏人（多数是喇嘛），然后为他们配备了武器和无线电设备，连人带物一起空投回西藏。开展这项行动的关键人物是270万藏民的精神领袖、以和平抵抗运动而获得诺贝尔和平奖的达赖喇嘛的一位兄长。
“我们当时奋起反抗是为了保护佛教免受侵害，”确扎在一次采访中说。他的双眼如今患上了白内障。
这些日子以来，仅仅依靠对和平的呼唤以及偶尔对北京当局的冷嘲热讽，73岁的达赖喇嘛在一场国际公关大战中占据了上风。他号召自己的信徒在世界各地举行抗议，包括在刚刚结束的北京奥运会期间，这让中国政府感到脸上无光。所有这些都令中国官员大为恼怒，并发表了措辞有些夸张的严厉谴责。在三月份发生的西藏骚乱期间，西藏自治区党委书记张庆黎指责达赖喇嘛破坏西藏地区稳定，将这位佛教领袖说成是“披着神圣外衣的狼，是人脸兽心的怪物。”
对于北京当局的指控，达赖喇嘛一概以冷静的幽默应之。他多次重申，如果西藏的自由运动演变成暴力活动，他将从此远离政治。他说，去调查吧，如果我们真是煽动者，我们会等待惩罚。
达赖喇嘛曾表示，自己最初并不清楚五十年代进行的武装反抗活动，但在获悉此事后，他便立即表示不鼓励藏民参与此类行动。他还否认任何有关西藏独立的打算，只是向中国政府施压，要求给予西藏更多的自治权，保留当地的民俗和语言。
然而这段抵抗运动的历史、加上它与达赖喇嘛密切的家族联系在很大程度上造成了与中国政府持续不断的紧张关系。这也解释了为什么即便是初步和谈都未能取得任何成果。双方的下一轮谈判有望于十月份举行。
美国中情局退休官员约翰•肯尼斯•诺斯(John Kenneth Knaus)上世纪六十年代曾负责领导位于新德里的一处西藏秘密军事基地。他回忆说达赖喇嘛显得左右为难──从个人情感来说他同情那些英勇的同胞，可另一方面他又不愿公开支持一场血腥的反叛，因为这与他遵循的佛教教义背道而驰。 诺斯谈到，达赖喇嘛对当时发生的所有事都心知肚明，但他不能为（反叛者）祈福。诺斯1999年着有《冷战孤儿：美国和为生存而战的西藏》(Orphans of the Cold War: America and the Tibetan Struggle for Survival)一书。
达赖喇嘛的二哥、曾是抵抗运动领袖的嘉乐顿珠(Gyalo Thondup)拒绝就本篇报导接受采访。嘉乐顿珠通过他儿子Tempa Thondup传话称，由于涉及方方面面，眼下不便发表谈话，时机敏感且多有不当。而在嘉乐顿珠位于印度新德里和噶伦堡的住所，开门人说这位八十岁的老者不在家。
据包括六名武装幸存者在内的西藏抵抗战士描述，嘉乐顿珠与中情局支持的活动有着千丝万缕的联系。
嘉乐顿珠加入抵抗运动时具有他那一代西藏人大多不具备的“资质”──流利的普通话以及对中国历史的了解。1949年，解放军击败国民党部队、占领当时的首都南京时，嘉乐顿珠正在那里求学。后来，他与妻子”──一位国民党将军的女儿最终定居在靠近尼泊尔边境的印度大吉岭。
在五十年代初中情局与嘉乐顿珠接触之前，他已经在组织藏民逃离西藏，摆脱中国政府的控制。而妻子Nancy Chu则帮助建立了一所中心，难民们可以在这里学到一门手艺，以此在印度谋生。
中情局的一位发言人拒绝就他们在西藏的行动发表评论。
在难民中流传着一些悲惨和可怕的故事。例如西藏农民Tsering Dakpa回忆说，1954年时他亲眼看见几名中国军人将他们怀疑的叛乱分子拖出村外，命令他们挖出一条水沟，再灌满冰冷的水。然后这些人被扒光衣服，扔进沟渠。只要他们的回话令当兵的感到不满，就会被开枪射杀。
这位77岁的老者谈到这次屠杀时说，我的心都停止了跳动，于是那时我决定加入抵抗。
同年，达赖喇嘛赶往北京会见包括毛泽东在内的中国领导人，希望为西藏争取更多的宗教和政治自由。可是在西藏的康区，一场反抗中国政府的抵抗运动已经开始酝酿了。
也就是在康区，1956年爆发了双方最为激烈的一场冲突，当地的理塘寺见证了一场持续了数日的战斗。而如今在大吉岭难民中心度日的确扎就曾经是理塘寺的一名喇嘛。他记得当时一位将领在谈判时要求他们放下武器（寺庙的喇嘛为了防范强盗携带有武器）。确扎说，那位将领威胁如果他们不缴械，就放火烧掉寺庙。
“他们说会保护我们，我们不需要带着武器，”另一位僧侣Nawang Datha说，“但我们拒绝了。”
Dakpa和确扎回忆到，理塘寺的僧人们夜晚秘密集结，袭击了附近的一处军营。
作为回应，中国军队在一天拂晓前对寺庙发起进攻。藏民们则用自制手枪、步枪、斧头和匕首进行反击。
确扎说，人们四处乱跑，我们不知道自己在杀谁。
Datha的弟弟Tenlay Tenzing骑着家里的一匹黑马及早逃离了寺院。军队开枪击中了马，但弟弟还是逃过了一劫。不过当初看到马匹的尸体时，Datha以为弟弟也已遇难。后来在父母的家中，兄弟俩再次重聚。当中国空军轰炸寺庙时，确扎逃往了距理塘寺步行需几周时间的西藏首府拉萨，那里的紧张气氛远不及康区。
按照中国政府对理塘寺冲突的官方记载，理塘寺所辖四川甘孜藏族自治州的政府网站称，喇嘛们暴力抗拒政府废除封建农奴制。政府指责当地的叛乱藏民袭击军队和政府官员、破坏公路桥梁，还奸淫捋掠。该网站指出，有鉴于此，中国共产党下达了平抑骚乱的重要指令，将之称为“西藏解放战争。”
理塘寺事件不仅使西藏全境的藏民群情愤慨，也为抵抗运动推波助澜。看到寺庙不再，许多喇嘛纷纷脱下僧袍加入反抗中国政府的行列。一度内讧的西藏各派系此时也摈弃前嫌，联手作战。后来中情局应该从理塘寺招募到了几个人，他们希望自己能掌握与中国军队相匹敌的现代化装备和军事素养。
理塘寺僧人、Datha和Tenzing二人之兄Lhotse化妆成商人逃往大吉岭。来到这里后，他便前往拜访嘉乐顿珠。 身为十四世达赖喇嘛的兄长，嘉乐顿珠在藏民中间已经是一位响当当的人物，他的政治主张也同样广为人知。听了Lhotse讲述那场失败的起义经历后，嘉乐顿珠提出了一个建议。
他说，“如果你想参加训练，也许我可以带你去个地方。”
据Lhotse的两个兄弟介绍，Lhotse后来告诉他们，自己接受了这一秘密任务。
不仅是Lhotse，嘉乐顿珠还招募了另外五名藏族战士，并于1957年初将他们送往太平洋上的塞班岛，接受中情局的训练。在那里他们学会了如何操作无线电台和现代化武器以及如何设伏。
达赖喇嘛的长兄土登居美诺布(Thubten Jigme Norbu)当时是塞班岛上的一名翻译。据他最年轻的弟弟丹增曲杰(Tendzin Choegyal)介绍，长兄现在的健康状况很差，无法对此置评。诺布是印地安那大学(Indiana University)藏学专业的一名退休教授。
在塞班岛度过六个月后，Lhotse和另一位名叫Athar的僧人被空投回西藏。与当地抵抗组织会合后，二人不但通过无线电向中情局发出了补充武器和供给的请求，还不断向他们通报抵抗局势。
前中情局官员诺斯1999年向国会作证时写道，中情局曾于1958年7月和次年2月两次向西藏投放武器。其中包括403只李•恩菲尔德式(Lee Enfield)步枪、60颗手榴弹、20挺机枪和2.6万发子弹。诺斯估计到上世纪六十年代末时，中情局已经向反叛人员提供了70万磅的补给。
中国政府试图镇压拉萨周边骚乱的行为令双方关系进一步恶化。1959年3月，达赖喇嘛悄然离开布达拉宫，骑马逃往印度。受过中情局训练的反叛人员也随同他一起，并通过无线电向华盛顿汇报达赖喇嘛的最新行踪。
看着这位西藏精神领袖即将安全穿越中印边界，反叛者们一片欢呼雀跃，连连向达赖喇嘛挥手。而达赖喇嘛也向他们挥手。
确扎说，在他看来，达赖喇嘛的挥手示意是在向他们赐福，然后他们就继续回去战斗了。
达赖喇嘛的助手指出，当时这位藏族领袖对反抗运动并不十分了解，也不清楚中情局在其中扮演的角色。达赖喇嘛驻新德里代表丹巴次仁(Tempa Tsering)说，达赖喇嘛的兄弟的确向他隐瞒了这些事──这也是为了他好。
就在嘉乐顿珠投身中情局支持的抵抗运动时，Datha和弟弟Tenzing也加入了进来。Tenzing回忆了1959年抵达位于科罗拉多州洛基山一处隐蔽训练基地赫尔营(Camp Hale)时的情景。他凝视着松林，仰望着白雪覆盖的山顶。“我觉得自己好像回到了西藏，”他说。诺斯在呈递国会的书面证词中指出，藏民在科罗拉多州接受秘密训练的状况一直持续到1964年。
嘉乐顿珠的另一个儿子、也是他私人秘书的凯度顿珠(Khedroob Thondup)谈到，父亲四处奔走，在宣传西藏困境的同时也招募战士，并培养同海外情报机构的联系。
难得空闲时，一家人会到大吉岭雾气笼罩的山中去野餐。孩子们摆弄着嘉乐顿珠的老式温彻斯特(Winchester)步枪，父亲有时还会教他们如何修剪玫瑰。
不过在西藏，反抗活动也渐渐偃旗息鼓。中国政府先进的无线电技术比对手更胜一筹。他们的空军力量击退了西藏反抗者。而中情局派往当地的特工大部分不是被捕就是遇害。
Tibet Museum/DIIR
照片摄于六十年代，反抗军的战士正在尼泊尔与西藏
边境上巡逻在混乱中，抵抗战士们向藏南撤退至尼泊尔境内的莫斯坦山区基地。那里的战士们说，嘉乐顿珠定期出现在营地，为大家鼓舞士气。“你们无需担心食物和供给，我们背后有人为我们考虑这些，”Nyima Namgyal援引嘉乐顿珠的话说，这名反抗战士当时在莫斯坦曾听见过嘉乐顿珠如是说。
Namgyal还指出，他们觉得“背后的人”就是美国。65岁的Namgyal目前住在达兰萨拉一所养老院。
由于太多人一下子涌入莫斯坦，这里的供给开始吃紧。确扎说，为了购买必需品，他变卖了自己的刀和系在脖子上的护身符。战士们还洗劫了西藏境内的农场，为的就是抢夺羊只，以此获得食品和羊毛御寒。
对于莫斯坦组织来说，内讧的威胁不亚于中国军队。据Tenzing回忆，一些藏族战士抱怨指挥官中饱私囊。1968年，带着对抵抗运动蜕变的厌恶，Tenzing离开莫斯坦，回到大吉岭开了一家小吃店。
而对于美国人来说，到了六十年代末，援藏行动也渐渐失去了意义。中情局几年前已关闭了训练营，并逐步减少了供给。面对越战泥潭，美国政府担心在另一起亚洲冲突中越陷越深。1972年，时任美国总统的尼克松(Nixon)会见了当时的中国国家主席毛泽东，从而掀开了两国关系的新篇章。 对达赖喇嘛而言，一个新的对华立场也将成型。七十年代初时，他试图解散抵抗组织，结束双方的流血冲突。确扎说，1972年他在达兰萨拉见到了达赖喇嘛，一番声泪俱下的会面后，他决定结束同中国的战争。
不是每个人都同意离开莫斯坦。达赖喇嘛的发言人丹增塔拉(Tenzin Taklha)说，有些战士宁可开枪自杀或是自刎也不遵从达赖喇嘛的命令。那时，双方的战争可以说是基本结束了。1974年，达赖喇嘛曾在其住所一间 满阳光的会议室里，与助手聚在一起。他在近日的一次采访中回忆道，我们达成了共识，与中国政府对话是迟早的事，独立已经不再有那么重要的意义了。
而在其中牵线搭桥的应该是双方都熟识的一个人，那就是达赖喇嘛的兄长嘉乐顿珠。
Peter Wonacott 呸~~~!!!!!!!!不要脸的东西~~!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!! 西人就是西人，永远站在他们的角度 属于历史，了解历史 现在整个世界看问题的观点都是西方人的观点代表了西方人的利益。所以我们才要发出声音表达不一样的观点。只有自己的声音才能代表自己的利益 中国军队在一天拂晓前对寺庙发起进攻。藏民们则用自制手枪、步枪、斧头和匕首进行反击。
这是什么寺院啊？这些是他们日常拜佛用具？ 这种情况，大家一定不要在这里骂，请顺藤摸傻瓜，打到反华媒体的老巢去，偶已经在那里留言了，原来他们不必中国的网站，这里发言马上能看见，他们那里还需要审查。让我大开眼界。 Q11) Q11) Q11) Q11) 西人要封嘴 咱们的媒体是不是也可以组织一篇“美国资助西藏流亡组织抵抗运动始末”呢？
看看这些西藏人的背后是什么Q29) 政府一直严厉要求国内外的反动组织停止一切分裂活动。西方人也不否认搞这些活动就是要推翻共产主义政权。他们会不择手段的。不管哪个国家乱了，他们一定会最先到位的，并开始不顾一切的利益掠夺，那是他们的本性，发家之本。当然，强盗也有强盗的逻辑。 看不懂,经济类的报纸都开始了.美国政府的干预能力真强啊. 打死我也不相信我们的战士会做那种残忍的事，因为我们有三大纪律八项注意的立军之根本。解放军不是外国的所谓的军队所能比的 不要以为叛军就这样消失了， 其实只是换了一付面孔而已。 那些叛军有很大部分（大约有一万多人）加入了印度军队， 反华份子分裂中国的野心是不会停止的。 “Dakpa和确扎回忆到，理塘寺的僧人们夜晚秘密集结，袭击了附近的一处军营。
作为回应，中国军队在一天拂晓前对寺庙发起进攻。藏民们则用自制手枪、步枪、斧头和匕首进行反击。”
注意到没？文中提到的藏民，都是那些不肯废除农奴制度的僧人！而领头的全是高地位的人！Q54) 这完全是在一个不同的角度进行的叙事。
“在难民中流传着一些悲惨和可怕的故事。例如西藏农民Tsering Dakpa回忆说，1954年时他亲眼看见几名中国军人将他们怀疑的叛乱分子拖出村外，命令他们挖出一条水沟，再灌满冰冷的水。然后这些人被扒光衣服，扔进沟渠。只要他们的回话令当兵的感到不满，就会被开枪射杀。”
上面的话，我绝对不相信。当时连一针一线都不能拿的军队，会做这样的事情吗？那是军队里是有很严格的规定的。
几名中国军人？谁知道会不会是什么阴谋？Q7) “从上世纪五十年代末起，美国中央情报局(CIA)培训了数十名藏人（多数是喇嘛），然后为他们配备了武器和无线电设备，连人带物一起空投回西藏。开展这项行动的关键人物是270万藏民的精神领袖、以和平抵抗运动而获得诺贝尔和平奖的达赖喇嘛的一位兄长。”
看看CIA的角色——提供武器。何无线电设备。。。。。。。
另同意楼上“注意到没？文中提到的藏民，都是那些不肯废除农奴制度的僧人！而领头的全是高地位的人！ 这完全是在一个不同的角度进行的叙事。” 听它们叽叽歪歪什么哦，我们都太自已这些言论了，说实话，这个世界的实质还是实力，是靠拳头说话的。丛林法则永远有效。 对敌人就是要狠打！ *** 作者被禁止或删除 内容自动屏蔽 *** 挖水沟？ 然后灌满水？ 这样的手法也太莫名其妙了吧，要编故事也要编的像样点。直接编说挖个坑埋人不是更简单？
50年代志愿军在朝鲜战争都没杀过俘虏，而当时北朝鲜，南朝鲜和美国军队都有杀俘虏的记录。 美国人自己看看自己50年代的历史再来这里给中国人上课。 1954年我们在西藏还没有进行民主改革哪，哪里会有什么叛乱分子。 50年代的中国空军 有能力在青藏高原 轰炸吗？
我也奇怪50年代中国空军就开始在高原活动了
看来咱们隐藏"实力"了哈哈 很遗憾，西方国家控制着地球上的话语权，中国只有经济上去了，才能在国际上发出更多自己的声音。加油吧，中国！！！ [quote]原帖由 [i]chinesetank[/i] 于 2008-9-7 08:16 发表 [url=http://www.anti-cnn.com/forum/cn/redirect.php?goto=findpost&pid=1358865&ptid=96329][img]http://www.anti-cnn.com/forum/cn/images/common/back.gif[/img][/url]1954年我们在西藏还没有进行民主改革哪，哪里会有什么叛乱分子。 [/quote]
他们说的不是在西藏，而是在西康 “[b]从上世纪五十年代末起，美国中央情报局(CIA)培训了数十名藏人（多数是喇嘛），然后为他们配备了武器和无线电设备，连人带物一起空投回西藏。[/b]开展这项行动的关键人物是270万藏民的精神领袖、[b]以和平抵抗运动而获得诺贝尔和平奖[/b]的达赖喇嘛的一位兄长。”
作者不觉得搞笑吗？ “达赖喇嘛赶往北京会见包括毛泽东在内的中国领导人，希望为西藏争取更多的宗教和政治自由。”
无语了！！！！！ 记得华尔街日报在报道3.14时提到“在达赖喇嘛统治时期的西藏并不像许多西方人想象中那样好”，他怎么不说说为什么会这样呢？ 要注意,积毁销骨啊,我们国家的媒体也应该做些什么! 难道ZD分子，流亡国外的西藏人可以代表今天的西藏吗？
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